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Our right over the land

The Land of Israel in its entirety rightfully belongs to the Jewish People, and the return of the Jewish People to the land is nothing short of historical justice: By virtue of God's repeated promises to the People of Israel, of which the Bible makes profuse mention, and by reason of the Jews' historical right to the land, which was recognized by the countries of the world in the resolution passed by the League of Nations after World War I.  Notwithstanding the above, the Land of Israel also belongs to the Jewish People in merit of what the Jewish nation, and no other, created in its land, the fruits of which were shared with the whole world. 

The Land of Israel not only belongs to the Jewish people under international law, but also by virtue of what determined most global borders: the outcomes of war.  And yet despite all of these rights, some of Israel's representatives have still been willing to share the Land with the Arabs in exchange for being allowed to live in peace in a very small portion of the historical Land of Israel.  Some of the nations of the world were even willing to deprive us of all our rights to the Land and hence dissected the Land into bits and pieces.  Mandatory Palestine, as was defined in the Balfour Declaration, was dissected into two segments in Churchill's White Paper, and the bigger of the two portions – the one lying to the east of the Jordan River – was handed over to a Bedouin residing in Saudi Arabia, who was then appointed to rule the locals, although the these never ceased to view the Hashemite dynasty as foreign and out-of-place.   So it was in this awkward fashion that British colonialism brought about the "Kingdom of Jordan" – which is no more than an "imported dynasty".  Nonetheless, it is regarded almost as sacrosanct, and viewed as having full right to rule the Palestinians.  On the other hand, every attempt made by the People of Israel to coexist with the Arabs of the Land – namely: in a "national home" without a real state; by accepting the Partition Plan of the 29th of November;  in a partitioned state with a divided capital; a democratic state that grants full civil rights and equality to all its citizens, but exempts its Arab citizens from some duties – none of these constellations ever prevented the Arabs from their persistent attempts to annihilate the Jewish state in the Land of Israel.  Despite its military strength, the State of Israel has always been perceived by the Arabs as a political entity with no rights over the Land; a tiny state that can be chopped up in a swift military move; a worn out "Zionist entity" that has lost all desire to exist and any determination to fight for its survival.

Even the "national suicide attempt", to which we were witness in the 1990s, and which was called "The Oslo Accords" – did not appease the Arabs of Israel.  Nor the numerous offers for relinquishing Judea & Samaria and half of Jerusalem; nor the withdrawal de facto from the Gaza strip.  None of the above mollified the Palestinians' national aspirations. 

All attempts to divide the Land of Israel lying west of the Jordan River between us and the Arabs terminated in war and catastrophe.  The bloodshed has not ceased for one-hundred years.  In terms of geopolitics, it makes no sense to partition the Land of Israel lying west of the Jordan River into two separate states.  Even from a demographic perspective it makes no sense.  Such a partition has no economic feasibility because it is impossible for two independent sovereign states to coexist west of the Jordan River. Practically speaking, it would also be impossible for these two independent states to each have defense capabilities, for both to have the potential to grow in size, and for both to have  territorial continuity in the said area.  For the sake of comparison, even two friendly independent European sovereign states cannot be confined to such a small area.  Furthermore, such a plan is particularly unfeasible due to the fact that the Palestinian Authority's education system in Judea & Samaria has been educating its children, for decades now, to hate Jews and calling for their murder – in much the same fashion as Hamas is doing in the Gaza Strip.  The chances of such a plan succeeding are virtually nil in a reality in which Palestinians are taught to become terrorists and suicide bombers and are shown maps of "The State of Palestine" in which the State of Israel doesn't even exist.  How can two such states, with such immense gaps in ideology and quality of life, exist concurrently one next to the other?  There is no such thing as a "demilitarized state" (as was promised by Netanyahu in reference to the Palestinian state that would arise after an agreement is signed).  The security of the State of Israel cannot be guaranteed so long as there is a foreign army west of the Jordan River. 

The time has come for a new solution.

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